Monday, April 18, 2011

3 Myths About Israel Promoted by the Right-Wing Pro-Israel Lobby

By Ira Chernus, Tomdispatch.com
Posted on April 17, 2011, Printed on April 18, 2011
http://www.alternet.org/story/150641/3_myths_about_israel_promoted_by_the_right-wing_pro-israel_lobby

To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.com here.

Here are the Three Sacred Commandments for Americans who shape the public conversation on Israel:

1. For politicians, especially at the federal level: As soon as you say the word “Israel,” you must also say the word “security” and promise that the United States will always, always, always be committed to Israel’s security. If you occasionally label an action by the Israeli government “unhelpful,” you must immediately reaffirm the eternal U.S. commitment to Israel’s security.

2. For TV talking heads and op-ed pundits: If you criticize any policies or actions of the Israeli government, you must immediately add that Israel does, of course, have very real and serious security needs that have to be addressed.

3. For journalists covering the Israel-Palestine conflict for major American news outlets: You must live in Jewish Jerusalem or in Tel Aviv and take only occasional day trips into the Occupied Territories. So your reporting must inevitably be slanted toward the perspective of the Jews you live among. And you must indicate in every report that Jewish Israeli life is dominated by anxiety about security.

U.S. opinion-shapers have obeyed the Three Commandments scrupulously for decades. As a result, they’ve created an indelible image of Israel as a deeply insecure nation. That image is a major, if often overlooked, factor that has shaped and continues to shape Washington’s policies in the Middle East and especially the longstanding American tilt toward Israel.

It’s often said that the number one factor in that tilt is the power of the right-wing “pro-Israel” (more accurately, “pro-Israeli-government”) lobby. That lobby certainly is a skillful, well-oiled machine. It uses every trick in the PR book to promote the myth of Israel as a brave little nation constantly forced to fight for its life against enemies all around who are eager to destroy it, a Jewish David withstanding the Arab Goliath. The lobby justifies everything Israel does to the Palestinians -- military occupation, economic strangulation, expanding settlements, confiscating land, demolishing homes, imprisoning children -- as perhaps unfortunate but absolutely necessary for Israel’s self-defense.

No matter how slick any lobby is, however, it can’t succeed without a substantial level of public support. (How powerful would the National Rifle Association be without the millions of Americans who truly love their guns?) Along with its other sources of power and influence, the right-wing Israel lobby needs a large majority of the U.S. public to believe in the myth of Israel’s insecurity as the God’s honest truth.

Ironically, that myth gets plenty of criticism and questioning in the Israeli press from writers like (to cite just some recent examples) Merav Michaeli and Doron Rosenblum in the liberal newspaper Haaretz, and even Alon Ben-Meir in the more conservative Jerusalem Post. In the United States, though, the myth of insecurity is the taken-for-granted lens through which the public views everything about the Israel-Palestine conflict. Like the air we breathe, it’s a view so pervasive that we hardly notice it.

Nor do we notice how reflexively most Americans accept the claim of self-defense as justification for everything Israel does, no matter how outrageous. That reflex goes far to explain why, in the latest Gallup poll matchup (“Do you sympathize more with Israel or the Palestinians?”), Israel won by a nearly 4 to 1 margin. And the pro-Israeli sentiment just keeps growing.

Our politicians, pundits, and correspondents breathe the same air in the same unthinking fashion, and so they hesitate to put much pressure on Israel to change its ways. As it happens, without such pressure, no Israeli government is likely to make the compromises needed for a just and lasting peace in the region. Instead, Israel will keep up its attacks on Gaza. In addition, if the Palestinians declare themselves an independent state come September, as many reports indicate might happen, Israel will feel free to quash that state by any means necessary -- but only if Washington goes on giving it the old wink and nod.

If American attitudes and so policies are ever to change, one necessary (though not in itself sufficient) step is to confront and debunk the myth of Israel’s insecurity.

Three Myths in One

Israel actually promotes three separate myths of insecurity, although its PR machine weaves them into a single tightly knit fabric. To grasp the reality behind it, the three strands have to be teased apart and examined separately.

Myth Number 1: Israel’s existence is threatened by the ever-present possibility of military attack. In fact, there’s no chance that any of Israel’s neighbors will start a war to wipe out Israel. They know their history. Despite its size, ever since its war of independence in 1948, the Israeli military has been a better equipped, better trained, more effective, and in virtually every case a successful fighting force. It clearly remains the strongest military power in the Middle East.

According to the authoritative volume, The Military Balance 2011, Israel still maintains a decisive edge over any of its neighbors. While the Israeli government constantly sounds alarms about imagined Iranian nuclear weapons -- though its intelligence services now suggest Iran won’t have even one before 2015 at the earliest -- Israel remains the region’s only nuclear power for the foreseeable future. It possesses up to 200 nukes, in addition to “a significant number” of precision-guided 1,000 kg conventional bombs.

To deliver its most powerful weapons, Israel can rely on its 100 land-based missile launchers, 200 aircraft armed with cruise missiles, and (according to “repeated press reports”) cruise-missile-armed submarines. The subs are key, of course, since they ensure that no future blow delivered to Israel would ever lack payback.

Israel spends far more on its military than any of the neighbors it claims to fear, largely because it gets more military aid from the U.S. than any other Mideast nation -- $3 billion a year is the official figure, although no one is likely to know the full amount.

The Obama administration has continued a long tradition of guaranteeing Israel’s massive military superiority in the region. Israel will, for example, be the first foreign country to get the U.S.’s most advanced fighter jet, the F-35 joint strike fighter. In fact, Defense Minister Ehud Barak recently complained that 20 of the promised planes aren’t enough, though he admitted that his country “faces no imminent threat” that would justify upping the numbers. Israel is also beginning to deploy its Iron Dome mobile air-defense system, with the U.S. funding at least half its cost.

In sum, none of the nations that Israel casts as a threat to its very existence can pose an existential military danger. Of course, that doesn’t mean all Jewish Israelis are safe from harm, which brings us to...

Myth Number 2: The personal safety of every Jewish Israeli is threatened daily by the possibility of violent attack. In fact, according to Israeli government statistics, since the beginning of 2009 only one Israeli civilian (and two non-Israelis) have been killed by politically motivated attacks inside the green line (Israel’s pre-1967 border). Israelis who live inside that line go about their daily lives virtually free from such worry.

As a result, the insecurity myth has come to focus on rockets -- the real ones launched from Gaza and the imaginary ones that supposedly could be launched from a future Palestinian state in the West Bank. Purveyors of the insecurity myth, including the American media, portray such rocket attacks as bolts from the blue, with no other motive than an irrational desire to kill and maim innocent Jews. As it happens, most of the rockets from Gaza have been fired in response to Israeli attacks that often broke ceasefires declared by the Palestinians.

Those rockets are part of an ongoing war in which each side uses the best weapons it has. The Palestinians, of course, have access to none of the high-tech Israeli guidance systems. Their weaponry tends to be crude and often homemade. They shoot their rockets, most of them unguided, and let them fall where they may (which means the vast majority harm no one).

Israel’s weapons actually do far more harm. Operation Cast Lead, the Israeli assault on Gaza that began at the end of 2008, killed far more civilians than all the rockets Palestinians have ever launched at Israel. Despite (or perhaps because of) its grievous losses, the Hamas government in Gaza has generally tried to minimize the rocket fire. When Hamas calls for all factions in Gaza to observe a ceasefire, however, the Israelis often ramp up their attacks.

Jewish civilians do run some risk when they live in the West Bank settlements. In the most recent horrific incident, a Jewish family of five was slaughtered at the Itamar settlement. In response, Israeli Vice Premier Moshe Yaalon showed clearly how the deaths of individual settlers are woven into the myth of Israel’s “existential insecurity.” “This murder,” he declared, “reminds everyone that the struggle and conflict is not about Israel’s borders or about independence of a repressed nation but a struggle for our existence.”

The logic of the myth goes back to the premise of the earliest Zionists: All gentiles are implacably and eternally anti-semitic. By this logic, any attack on one Jew, no matter how random, becomes evidence that all Jews are permanently threatened with extinction.

Most Zionists have been unable to see that once they founded a state committed to regional military superiority, they were bound to be on the receiving as well as the giving end of acts of war. It is the absence of peace far more than the presence of anti-semitism that renders Israelis who live near Gaza or in the West Bank insecure.

However, according to the myth, it’s not only physical violence that threatens Israel’s existence. In the last two years, right-wing Israelis and their supporters in the U.S. have learned to lie awake at night worrying about another threat...

Myth Number 3: Israel’s existence is threatened by worldwide efforts to delegitimize the Jewish state. Early in 2010, Military Intelligence Chief Amos Yadlin told the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, that the country was not “suffering from terror or from an immediate military threat” -- only to warn of a new peril: “The Palestinian Authority is encouraging the international arena to challenge Israel’s legitimacy.”

The “delegitimization” alarm was first sounded by an influential Israeli think tank and then spread like wildfire through the nation’s political and media ranks.

There are shreds of truth in it. There have always been people who saw the Jewish state, imposed on indigenous Palestinians, as illegitimate. Until recently, however, Israelis seemed to pay them little heed. Now, they are deemed an “existential threat,” as Yadlin explained, only because the old claims of “existential threat” via violence have grown unbelievable even to the Israeli military (though not to the government’s American supporters).

It’s also true that challenges to Israel’s legitimacy are growing rapidly around the world and that the specter of becoming a “pariah state” does pose a danger. The head of that think tank got it half-right when he warned that Israel’s “survival and prosperity” depend on its relations with the world, “all of which rely on its legitimacy.” Survival? No. After all, being a pariah state doesn’t have to be existence threatening, as North Korea and Burma have proved.

But prosperity? That’s at least possible. When the Israelis complain about “delegitimization,” they focus most on the boycott/divestment/sanctions (BDS) movement, which aims not to eliminate the state of Israel, but to use economic pressure to end Israel’s occupation and economic strangulation of Palestinian lands. (Nor is there any real evidence to back up the charge that this is some vast conspiracy coordinated by the Palestinian Authority.)

Were Israel to start behaving by accepted international moral norms, the BDS movement would fade from the scene quickly enough, ending the crisis of “delegitimization” -- just as the rockets from Gaza might well cease. But here’s the reality of this moment: The only genuine threat to Israel’s security comes from its own oppressive policies, which are the fuel propelling the BDS movement.

So far, however, “effects on the Israeli economy are marginal,” according to a popular Israeli newspaper. The BDS campaign, it reports, “has been far more damaging when it comes to the negative image that it spreads.” A growing number of foreign governments are criticizing Israel, and some already recognize an actual Palestinian state. In diplomatic terms, Israel’s legitimacy rests on the good will of its sole dependable ally, the United States.

More than any military need, that political need offers the U.S. powerful leverage in moving toward a settlement of the Israeli/Palestinian crisis. The triple-stranded myth of Israel’s insecurity, however, makes the use of such leverage virtually impossible for Washington. Israel’s president put his country’s needs plainly in March 2010: "[Israel] must forge good relations with other countries, primarily the United States, so as to guarantee political support in a time of need.” So far, the U.S. has continued to offer its strong support, even though President Obama knows, as he recently told American Jewish leaders, that “Israel is the stronger party here, militarily, culturally, and politically. And Israel needs to create the context for [peace] to happen.”

But what if the American public knew the facts that Obama acknowledged? What if every solemn reference to Israel’s “security needs” were greeted not with nodding heads, but with the eye-rolling skepticism it deserves? What if Israel’s endless excesses and excuses -- its claims that the occupation of the West Bank and the economic strangulation of Gaza are necessary “for the sake of security” -- were regularly scoffed at by most Americans?

It’s hard to imagine the Obama administration, or any American administration, keeping up a pro-Israel tilt in the face of such public scorn.

Ira Chernus is Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Read more of his writing on Israel, Palestine, and American Jews on his blog: http://chernus.wordpress.com.

Secret memos expose link between oil firms and invasion of Iraq


By Paul Bignell
independent.co.uk
Tuesday, 19 April 2011

Plans to exploit Iraq's oil reserves were discussed by government ministers and the world's largest oil companies the year before Britain took a leading role in invading Iraq, government documents show.

Iraq's burgeoning oil industry:



The papers, revealed here for the first time, raise new questions over Britain's involvement in the war, which had divided Tony Blair's cabinet and was voted through only after his claims that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.

The minutes of a series of meetings between ministers and senior oil executives are at odds with the public denials of self-interest from oil companies and Western governments at the time.

The documents were not offered as evidence in the ongoing Chilcot Inquiry into the UK's involvement in the Iraq war. In March 2003, just before Britain went to war, Shell denounced reports that it had held talks with Downing Street about Iraqi oil as "highly inaccurate". BP denied that it had any "strategic interest" in Iraq, while Tony Blair described "the oil conspiracy theory" as "the most absurd".

But documents from October and November the previous year paint a very different picture.

Five months before the March 2003 invasion, Baroness Symons, then the Trade Minister, told BP that the Government believed British energy firms should be given a share of Iraq's enormous oil and gas reserves as a reward for Tony Blair's military commitment to US plans for regime change.

The papers show that Lady Symons agreed to lobby the Bush administration on BP's behalf because the oil giant feared it was being "locked out" of deals that Washington was quietly striking with US, French and Russian governments and their energy firms.

Minutes of a meeting with BP, Shell and BG (formerly British Gas) on 31 October 2002 read: "Baroness Symons agreed that it would be difficult to justify British companies losing out in Iraq in that way if the UK had itself been a conspicuous supporter of the US government throughout the crisis."

The minister then promised to "report back to the companies before Christmas" on her lobbying efforts.

The Foreign Office invited BP in on 6 November 2002 to talk about opportunities in Iraq "post regime change". Its minutes state: "Iraq is the big oil prospect. BP is desperate to get in there and anxious that political deals should not deny them the opportunity."

After another meeting, this one in October 2002, the Foreign Office's Middle East director at the time, Edward Chaplin, noted: "Shell and BP could not afford not to have a stake in [Iraq] for the sake of their long-term future... We were determined to get a fair slice of the action for UK companies in a post-Saddam Iraq."

Whereas BP was insisting in public that it had "no strategic interest" in Iraq, in private it told the Foreign Office that Iraq was "more important than anything we've seen for a long time".

BP was concerned that if Washington allowed TotalFinaElf's existing contact with Saddam Hussein to stand after the invasion it would make the French conglomerate the world's leading oil company. BP told the Government it was willing to take "big risks" to get a share of the Iraqi reserves, the second largest in the world.

Over 1,000 documents were obtained under Freedom of Information over five years by the oil campaigner Greg Muttitt. They reveal that at least five meetings were held between civil servants, ministers and BP and Shell in late 2002.

The 20-year contracts signed in the wake of the invasion were the largest in the history of the oil industry. They covered half of Iraq's reserves – 60 billion barrels of oil, bought up by companies such as BP and CNPC (China National Petroleum Company), whose joint consortium alone stands to make £403m ($658m) profit per year from the Rumaila field in southern Iraq.

Last week, Iraq raised its oil output to the highest level for almost decade, 2.7 million barrels a day – seen as especially important at the moment given the regional volatility and loss of Libyan output. Many opponents of the war suspected that one of Washington's main ambitions in invading Iraq was to secure a cheap and plentiful source of oil.

Mr Muttitt, whose book Fuel on Fire is published next week, said: "Before the war, the Government went to great lengths to insist it had no interest in Iraq's oil. These documents provide the evidence that give the lie to those claims.

"We see that oil was in fact one of the Government's most important strategic considerations, and it secretly colluded with oil companies to give them access to that huge prize."

Lady Symons, 59, later took up an advisory post with a UK merchant bank that cashed in on post-war Iraq reconstruction contracts. Last month she severed links as an unpaid adviser to Libya's National Economic Development Board after Colonel Gaddafi started firing on protesters. Last night, BP and Shell declined to comment.

Not about oil? what they said before the invasion

* Foreign Office memorandum, 13 November 2002, following meeting with BP: "Iraq is the big oil prospect. BP are desperate to get in there and anxious that political deals should not deny them the opportunity to compete. The long-term potential is enormous..."

* Tony Blair, 6 February 2003: "Let me just deal with the oil thing because... the oil conspiracy theory is honestly one of the most absurd when you analyse it. The fact is that, if the oil that Iraq has were our concern, I mean we could probably cut a deal with Saddam tomorrow in relation to the oil. It's not the oil that is the issue, it is the weapons..."

* BP, 12 March 2003: "We have no strategic interest in Iraq. If whoever comes to power wants Western involvement post the war, if there is a war, all we have ever said is that it should be on a level playing field. We are certainly not pushing for involvement."

* Lord Browne, the then-BP chief executive, 12 March 2003: "It is not in my or BP's opinion, a war about oil. Iraq is an important producer, but it must decide what to do with its patrimony and oil."

* Shell, 12 March 2003, said reports that it had discussed oil opportunities with Downing Street were 'highly inaccurate', adding: "We have neither sought nor attended meetings with officials in the UK Government on the subject of Iraq. The subject has only come up during conversations during normal meetings we attend from time to time with officials... We have never asked for 'contracts'."

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Ex-U.N. official Ritter convicted in underage Internet sex sting

Thu, Apr 14 2011

PHILADELPHIA (Reuters) - A Pennsylvania jury on Thursday found former high-ranking United Nations official Scott Ritter guilty in an Internet underage sex sting.

Prosecutors accused Ritter, 49, of Delmar, New York, a suburb of Albany, of engaging in a lurid web chat with a person portrayed as a 15-year-old girl. That person was actually a detective for the Barrett Township Police Department in Pennsylvania.

Ritter was the chief weapons inspector in Iraq until he resigned in 1998 because he said he felt neither the Clinton administration nor the United Nations was pursuing Iraq weapons inspections vigorously enough. Later, in 2002, he had a falling out with the Bush administration over the war in Iraq.

The jury deliberated two days before finding Ritter guilty of six of the seven charges against him. One was a misdemeanor, indecent exposure, and the rest were felonies, including three charges of unlawful conduct with a minor, criminal attempt to corrupt a minor and criminal use of a communications device.

Each of the five felony charges carries a maximum penalty of seven years in prison. No sentencing date was set and Ritter remains free on $25,000 bail.

Assistant district attorney Michael Rakaczewski said Ritter was convicted "by his own actions and by his own words on the stand."

At one point during the trial, the jury watched a graphic video recording of a nude Ritter performing a sexual act captured on his computer web camera for young "Emily."

Posing as "Emily," Detective Ryan Venneman twice gave her age as 15. The chat and video occurred in February of 2009.

Ritter testified at the trial and part of his defense was that he did not believe he was really talking to a 15-year-old, but instead an adult pretending to be a minor.

Ritter's wife, who testified in his defense, and twin daughters, Victoria and Patricia, 18, attended the trial at Monroe County Common Pleas Court in Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania.

(Reporting by Dave Warner; Editing by Barbara Goldberg and Jerry Norton)

Tweets from Tahrir: Egypt's Revolution as it Unfolded, in the Words of the People

AlterNet
By , O/R Books
Posted on April 15, 2011, Printed on April 17, 2011
http://www.alternet.org/story/150627/tweets_from_tahrir%3A_egypt%27s_revolution_as_it_unfolded%2C_in_the_words_of_the_people

The following is an excerpt from Tweets from Tahrir: Egypt's Revolution As It Unfolded, in the Words of the People Who Made It, edited by Nadia Idle and Alex Nunns (O/R Books, 2011).

The Egyptian uprising has been described as a “Twitter revolution.” It was not. Revolutions do not come out of thin air, or even cyberspace. But the internet provided a tool that helped shape the form of the uprising, and it gave us some of the most riveting real-time coverage ever recorded.

Since the wave of revolts that swept the Arab world starting in December 2010, commentators have struggled to explain a phenomenon none of them saw coming. Searching for a distinctive factor at play, many have settled on Facebook and Twitter, aspects reassuringly familiar to their own lives. In an inevitable backlash, others have pointed out that revolutions happened long before computers were invented.

What has sometimes been missing from the debate is close analysis of what the revolutionaries actually used social networks for. In the case of Twitter it was primarily used as an alternative press. It was a means for those on the ground to report what was happening for the benefit of their fellow Egyptians and the outside world, and a place for emancipating bursts of self-expression.

Of course, the internet was also an organizing tool. Calls for protests and coordination between the different groups that mobilized for the January 25 demonstrations in Egypt, which started the revolution, did happen online. Facebook was the network most suited to the task, where information could be spread to thousands of people in an instant and then shared between friends. This dissemination was far faster than leaflets, with the added benefit that those receiving the messages were already interested and trusted the source.

Planning discussions also took place on Twitter, using the hashtag #Jan25 to enable anyone to join the conversation, and activists talked to each other directly using the @ reply function. Later on, once the revolution was in full swing, protesters used Twitter to announce new initiatives, like marching on the parliament building, and to boost their collective morale with reports of other developments around the country. But Twitter came into its own as a place to report on events. Initially, Egyptians were avid recipients of such reports coming out of Tunisia. Later their own accounts of the Egyptian revolution would help inspire uprisings across the region.

That Twitter was used in this way, for news, was no coincidence. Many tweeters considered themselves “citizen journalists” and made it their mission to get the word out with (usually) accurate bites of information and a flow of videos and pictures. Professional journalists also used the site (some of them like Ashraf Khalil are included in this book) as did more opinion-orientated bloggers. The result was like a company of artists painting a constantly updated picture of events.

The importance of citizen journalists cannot be overestimated in a country like Egypt with a state-controlled media. One of the features of the uprising was the gradual undermining of state TV and newspapers, to the extent that journalists began to resign as the public saw the ludicrous coverage for what it was. Also instrumental in this process was the contrast provided by transnational satellite TV channels like Al Jazeera, whose reporting was often influenced by information and footage coming from citizen journalists on the ground.

The activists on Twitter were not only talking to their fellow Egyptians but to the international media and the world. They went to great lengths to get online during the five-day internet blackout, when their tweets could not easily be read by other Egyptians. By telephoning friends abroad to upload their tweets, pooling their resources to get on to the one remaining internet service provider in Egypt (the one used by the stock exchange), or offering interviews to news organizations in return for access to their satellite internet connections, activists managed to ensure that the regime could not cut them off from the world.

The fact that Hosni Mubarak’s regime took the step of blocking the internet, despite the millions of dollars lost to the economy, is a testament to the fear it provoked among the rulers. This is where commentators who seek to downplay the role of social media come up short. Their argument that social upheavals happen periodically, and that a great many have been very successful without Twitter, is obvious. But every revolution is different, shaped in part by the technology available to those who make it and those who try to stop it. Soon after printing presses became widespread in England, the English Civil Wars of 1642–51 happened. There was lots of discussion and hype about the role that popular pamphlets from agitators like “free-born” John Lilburne were playing. The government’s response (both that of Charles I and later Oliver Cromwell) was censorship. The same thing has been repeated ever since. The tactic does not always work, but those in authority would not try it unless they thought it might.

In Egypt it did not work. By the time the regime blocked the internet on January 28 it had already lost control. While the internet was down the most decisive battle occurred between protesters and the state’s security forces on January 28 and a Million Man March was held on February 1. The revolution was already tangible, it was escalating spontaneously. There was no need to organize events online because people were spending every day face to face on the streets. The demands and tactics of the revolution were being determined by the spontaneous chants of the people.

There is a certain arrogance to the lazy Western description of a Twitter revolution. It excuses commentators from seeking to understand the deep-seated causes of the uprising – the brutal economic reality for the majority of the population, the imposition of neoliberal policies reducing job security and suppressing wages, the lack of opportunities for educated young people, the sheer vindictiveness of a Western-backed dictator as expressed through his police gangs.

It ignores the role of the urban poor, many of whom literally placed their bodies between tyranny and freedom on the front line. For the unemployed and those living on two dollars a day, Twitter and Facebook were the last things on their minds.

It ignores the role of the organized working class which had been striking since 2006 and whose refusal to go to work in the days before Mubarak resigned finally removed the last plank from under his regime. And it ignores the years of thankless work by the very activists who made such good use of Twitter during the uprising and whose words fill this book. They had been mobilizing, forming groups, and holding small protests in the face of police brutality since at least the year 2000, but the world had hardly noticed. And they are still doing so now, as the revolution continues to unfold.

There is a clip on YouTube of a young Californian woman being asked about events in Egypt in a vox-pop. In her account the protests happened because the Egyptian government blocked the internet. She got the entire causal relationship the wrong way around. But she was not so far away from those who say that Twitter and Facebook are the reason for the revolts.

The Arab uprisings would not have happened at the speed and in the manner in which they did without social media. That we can say. And the way in which the revolution is seen in the West, in the Arab world, and even within Egypt would be very different if we had not been able to hear from protesters and see the action so directly.

But the revolution would not have happened at all without the Egyptian people deciding enough was enough and putting their lives on the line for justice, dignity, and the hope of a decent future.

THE SPARK

...as the Tunisian revolution inspires the Arab world

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
The Tunisian revolution is being twitterized...history is being written by the people! #sidibouzid #Tunisia

ON FRIDAY JANUARY 14, 2011,Tunisia’s dictator of 24 years, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, was forced from power after weeks of unprecedented popular protest. An electric shock zipped through the region. It had begun when Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old fruit seller from the town of Sidi Bouzid on the Mediterranean coast, set himself on fire on December 17, 2010. Bouazizi’s story resonated with millions living under corrupt regimes – humiliated by the state, unable to make enough money to survive, he finally snapped when police officers spoiled his fruit, confiscated his weighing scales and beat him up. He went directly to the local governor’s office and, when nobody would see him, doused himself in petrol and set himself alight. He died 18 days later.

Protests flared up in Sidi Bouzid and soon spread to the Tunisian capital. Bouazizi’s actions were the catalyst, but the depth of Tunisia’s problems was shown as all sections of society, from labor unions to lawyers, joined the revolution.

Things were changing in the Arab world. Power structures that had been fossilized for over half a century were now confronted by a young population with few opportunities and endless frustrations. In Egypt conditions were ripe for an uprising. The country had its own high-profile testimony to appalling state brutality – the killing of Khaled Said, a young man who, according to witnesses, was beaten to death in public by police in June 2010, his head slammed against the marble stairs and iron door of a building and his body dumped by the roadside. His family said he had been targeted because he had video evidence implicating police in a drug deal. In response, a Facebook page was set up called We Are All Khaled Said. It provided a rallying point for Egypt’s youth.

The formal opposition parties to Egypt’s 30-year president, Hosni Mubarak, had failed. Now new activists were to the fore, emerging from solidarity with the second Palestinian intifada of 2000, protests against the Iraq War in 2003,and the wave of strikes that had gripped Egypt since 2006. These events had given rise to a spectrum of social movements from the anti-Mubarak Kefaya (“enough) group formed in 2004, to the April 6th Youth Movement, inspired by a textile strike in the town of Mahalla that was violently put down by police in 2008, to the Revolutionary Socialists with links to the workers, to the reformist National Association for Change associated with Mohamed ElBaradei, launched in 2010. All these groups coordinated online.

With new technology the old regime had lost its control over information. The Tunisian revolution was watched in Egypt and across the Arab world, not on state TV but on satellite channels like Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya. People no longer had to read stifled accounts in the state-run newspapers when they could go on the internet and hear from Tunisian protesters directly through social networks.

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
The Tunisian revolution is being twitterized...history is being written by the people! #sidibouzid #Tunisia
17:28:11 Jan 14

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
BEN ALI LEFT just confirmed through Aljazeera
19:25:19 Jan 14

tarekshalaby Tarek Shalaby
VIVA LA REVOLUCION!!! RT @SultanAlQassemi: MY GOD! MY GOD! This is AMAZING.
19:27:12 Jan 14

tarekshalaby Tarek Shalaby
WE WILL FOLLOW! RT @SultanAlQassemi: Tunisians are the heroes of the Arab world.
19:29:27 Jan 14

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
goooose bumps alll over ..i can’t believe i lived through an arab revolution !! thank you #Tunisia
19:43:40 Jan 14

amuchmoreexotic Ben
I don’t understand how the people of Tunisia overthrew their government without me signing an e-­petition or changing my Twitter avatar.
20:49:01 Jan 14

mosaaberizing Mosa’ab Elshamy
Dear people watching Arabs Got Talent, there’s a better show going on called Tunisia’s Got Freedom. Watch that.
21:02:46 Jan 14

TravellerW Mo-­ha-­med
Tonight some ppl will go to bed thinking ”I helped free my country today”. #Tunisia’s activists & demonstrators, we salute you.
00:59:10 Jan 15

ManarMohsen
A Facebook event for a revolution in Egypt: http://on.fb.me/ hQioSl. Don’t forget to RSVP. (“Maybe” if you’re still unsure of your schedule).
19:21:27 Jan 15

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
The black and white days are coming, there is no grey
15:00:42 Jan 16

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
A MAN IN #EGYPT SET HIMSELF ON FIRE CHANTING AGAINST STATE SECURITY IN FRONT OF PARLIAMENT AT 9:00 AM TODAY #Sidibouzid #Revolution attempt?
10:40:52 Jan 17

3arabawy Hossam
people r setting themselves on fire. I suggest they burn down police stations and torture factories instead.
10:58:21 Jan 17

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
Is this true a 3rd person lights himself on fire at parliament for the 2ND TIME TODAY!?! #Egypt #Sidibouzid
13:03:28 Jan 18

norashalaby Nora Shalaby
I think it is time for Mubarak to set himself on fire. He is the one who really deserves to burn #egypt #fuckmubarak
13:57:35 Jan 18

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
There is nothing that #Mubarak can do now to prevent the madness that will end his regime..IT WILL HAPPEN THIS YEAR!! #DownWithMubarak 2011
16:05:36 Jan 18

monasosh monasosh There is something incredibly sad abt ppl setting themselves on fire in a fatal hopeful/desperate attempt to be heard!
19:15:45 Jan 18

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim #Jan25 I hope we can get over the logistics and just take to the streets in masses all over #Egypt
22:28:35 Jan 20

monasosh monasosh
Did we finally settle on a tag for 25th of January?
16:41:11 Jan 21

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
I still haven’t decided from which place I will be tweeting live coverage on #jan25, if u have a suggestion DM me
22:26:57 Jan 21

monasosh monasosh
What time should we be in the streets tomorrow #jan25?
09:57:06 Jan 24

Sandmonkey Mahmoud Salem
For when and where the revolution will be and other improtant info, go here http://bit.ly/Jan25egypt
21:51:18 Jan 24

Ghonim Wael Ghonim
Despite all the warnings I got from my relative and friends, I’ll be there on #Jan25 protests. Anyone going to be in Gam’et Dewal protest?
22:13:48 Jan 24

monasosh monasosh
Scared, excited and hopeful #Jan25
23:30:48 Jan 24

TravellerW Mo-­ha-­med
Yes, I’m worried about tomorrow. Which is exactly why I am going -­ we cannot, will not let them scare us. #25Jan
01:07:10 Jan 25

Gsquare86 Gigi Ibrahim
Tomorrow will be what we make it to be, so let’s make it an up-rise the police can’t forget #Jan25
02:26:40 Jan 25

Alex Nunns is a British journalist and activist. Nadia Idle is an Egyptian activist who was in Cairo during the protests.